Prosecutors targeting pregnant drug users
Some fear women will shun treatment
By Kirsten Scharnberg
Tribune national correspondent
November 23, 2003
NEW YORK -- Stacey Gilligan is accused of drinking so much vodka during her
eighth month of pregnancy that her baby was born drunk.
Tayshea Aiwohi is charged with consuming such huge amounts of crystal meth while
she was pregnant that her son died of methamphetamine poisoning two days after
his birth.
Regina McKnight was convicted of using so much cocaine during her pregnancy that
her baby was stillborn.
Across the country, prosecutors increasingly are leveling criminal charges
against women who abuse drugs or alcohol while pregnant. The charges range from
misdemeanor counts of endangering the welfare of a child to criminal homicide.
At least two women who were convicted were sentenced to life in prison.
The prosecutions are rousing intense passion on every side of the issue.
Abortion rights supporters are furious about the prosecutions, charging that a
fetus is not a constitutionally protected person. Substance abuse counselors
claim that an unintended side effect of the prosecutions has been to make
drug-addicted pregnant women reluctant to seek treatment. Family and child
advocates counter that prosecuting these women is the only way to send a message
that America values its children.
"This is certainly a complicated one," said Dr. Mary Ellen Rimsza, chairwoman of
Arizona's Child Fatality Review Board and a member of a governor-appointed
commission studying whether positive drug tests on newborns should be grounds
for the state to accuse a mother of child abuse.
South Carolina, where more than 70 such cases have been heard in the courts
since 1989, has led the charge on these prosecutions. But despite being one of
the earliest and most aggressive states in bringing charges against drug-abusing
mothers, South Carolina now has plenty of company: Texas, New York, Arizona,
Hawaii, Utah and California.
In recent years, Illinois has backed off from prosecuting women who use drugs
during pregnancy. However, in 1989, Illinois became the first state to charge a
woman with manslaughter after her baby was stillborn, allegedly from toxic
levels of cocaine. A Rockford grand jury refused to indict, and prosecutors have
since been reluctant to bring such charges.
Law-enforcement officials in Riverside County, Calif., known as the nation's
methamphetamine capital, have declared these prosecutions "a top priority."
"Sometimes the cases and the effects of drug abuse on children and infants are
so egregious that I believe we are left with no other option but to prosecute,"
said Riverside County District Atty. Grover Trask.
Plenty of people disagree, vehemently.
The addiction
Lynn Paltrow, director of National Advocates for Pregnant Women, is passionate
about the issue, and she gets so animated when discussing it that she can
scarcely decide where to start her criticisms of such prosecutions. To begin
with, she says, criminal charges do not address the root of the problem: the
woman's addiction.
"People don't become addicts because they want to do harm to their own bodies
or, if they are pregnant, to harm the fetus in their body," Paltrow said.
Just as worrisome, she said, is what may be a chilling, inadvertent consequence
of the highly publicized prosecutions: that other drug-addicted pregnant women
will not seek treatment--or even prenatal care--because they are terrified they
will wind up in jail or lose other children they may already have. About 50
public heath organizations, including the American Public Health Association and
the American Academy of Addiction Psychiatry, have denounced the prosecutions
for the same reason.
The experience of at least one state that has pursued these prosecutions
indicates Paltrow's fear may be well-founded.
In Utah, where in the late 1990s there were several high-profile prosecutions of
women for substance abuse during pregnancy, state officials saw coinciding drops
in the requests for treatment and help from drug-addicted women. The Pregnancy
Risk Line, a toll-free service operated by the state's public health department,
typically took at least four calls a month from a pregnant woman seeking drug
counseling before the prosecutions began. But after news of the prosecutions hit
the newspapers and television shows, those calls dropped to almost zero per
month.
`A double whammy'
"Women were showing up at hospitals in droves to deliver babies having had no
prenatal care and no substance abuse treatment," said Lynn Martinez, director of
the hot line and of the state's birth defects and genetics program. "When asked
why they hadn't sought help, their answers were almost universal: They were
worried they would either lose their children or be prosecuted. So suddenly you
had a double whammy: babies exposed to drugs and babies not getting prenatal
care."
Just as worrisome to Paltrow--and to many who oppose such prosecutions--is whom
prosecutors will target most often.
"This has become a general assault on poor people, and disproportionately on
minorities," said Richard Wexler, director of the National Coalition for Child
Protection Reform. "Take a guess which pregnant women are most likely to be
screened for drug abuse when they walk through the doors of a hospital. It isn't
some upper- or middle-class woman who can afford the best of everything. But
those women often are just as likely to be using substances during pregnancy
that put their child at risk."
Statistics seem to support that. Rimsza, the Arizona pediatrician, said studies
indicate that about 3 percent of women use illicit substances during pregnancy,
while about 54 percent of women use legal substances that could be harmful to a
fetus, including alcohol and tobacco.
In California, where prosecutors are aggressively prosecuting women who use
drugs while pregnant and have vowed to step up punitive measures, the statistics
are even more grim. Statewide surveys have put the number of women who take
illegal drugs during pregnancy at about 11 percent, and the drug being used most
often seems to be methamphetamine.
"It's hit epidemic proportions," said Trask, the Riverside County district
attorney.
Just last month in Riverside, a mother of four was sentenced to life in prison
for the second-degree murder of her 3-month-old son, Jacob. Amy Leanne Prien,
31, was charged with killing her infant by feeding him high doses of
methamphetamine either through her breast milk or through tainted plastic bottle
liners that she had been using to package the drug in her home.
During Prien's trial, the prosecution said she had not only risked her son's
life by exposing him to a drug as toxic as methamphetamine, but when Jacob was
found unresponsive, she delayed calling paramedics until she had hidden all her
drugs.
"It's amazing to me that so much of the debate is over what is best for the
mother, what is fair to her," Trask said. "I think it's long overdue that we
focus on the effects addictive drugs like methamphetamine are having on the
children. We have to send the message that, hey, if you don't care about
yourself, that's one thing. But people need to understand that we expect them to
care about the innocent children they are bringing into the world."
Trask disputed the criticism that pregnant women who seek treatment for their
addictions will be prosecuted upon entering a hospital or treatment facility.
"Of course we don't do that," he said. "If they are in programs, we won't
prosecute them."
But that isn't how it often works, critics insist. In South Carolina, for
example, Paltrow said several pregnant women went looking for treatment at a
hospital only to leave the facility hours later in handcuffs.
When life begins
In Prien's case, because the child died well after he was born, the hot-button
legal and emotional issue of "when does life begin?" didn't come into play. But
sometimes that is not as clear, as in the cases of Tayshea Aiwohi in Hawaii and
Stacey Gilligan in New York. Aiwohi was charged with manslaughter after her baby
died of methamphetamine poisoning two days after his birth; Gilligan was charged
with child endangerment when her baby was born with a blood alcohol content of
.18, more than twice the legal limit for an adult in New York.
In those cases, still working their way through the courts, defense attorneys
have said the charges are not valid because the women are accused of doing
something to a "child." The lawyers say the women never gave illegal substances
to a child, but rather to a fetus, and that state laws in Hawaii and New York do
not protect fetuses.
On Thursday, Warren County District Atty. Kate Hogan, who is prosecuting
Gilligan, stood outside a courtroom, preparing to fight a defense petition to
dismiss all charges in the case.
"Any pregnant woman can drink, and we can't charge her," Hogan said. "But when
that child draws its first breath, it is protected under the law. In this case,
when that child drew its first breath, its blood alcohol content made it legally
drunk. At that point, the mother can be charged. That's what I'm arguing."
The judge is expected to rule on whether the Gilligan case can go forward in the
next couple of weeks.
For all the talk and debate about women who use illegal drugs during pregnancy,
Gilligan's case highlights one point many experts wish was discussed more: that
alcohol is the most damaging to a fetus in utero and to children in the long
run. While many babies born with addictions to drugs such as methamphetamine or
cocaine will experience painful withdrawal symptoms during their first weeks and
months of life, those exposed to alcohol often will suffer lifelong effects.
Rimsza estimated that the average IQ of a child with fetal alcohol syndrome is
68, and she added that studies indicate one drink of alcohol a week translates
into an increased risk for delinquent, hyperactive and aggressive behaviors for
the exposed child.
"While the public seems to be most concerned about the baby who has been exposed
to illicit drugs such as cocaine, far more babies in this country are damaged by
alcohol," she wrote in a letter to Arizona legislators studying the issue.
But Rimsza also emphasizes that she thinks good policy should focus less on
public law and more on public health. She fears a slippery slope when states
begin prosecuting women for drug abuse during pregnancy--first, prosecutions for
illegal drugs such as cocaine and methamphetamine, then for legal substances
such as alcohol and tobacco, then for potentially risky behavior such as not
taking prenatal vitamins and not eating properly.
"There is no evidence that prosecutions will do any good in terms of prevention
of these behaviors." she said, "and it doesn't do any good for the baby who's
already died."
Source: Chicago Tribune
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/local/chi-0311230450nov23,1,4476875.story